A deadly blast in Kabul this week reignited the debate on deporting refugees from Germany to war-torn Afghanistan. The chancellor has now temporarily halted expulsions for all except criminals and security threats.

Germany will temporarily suspend deportations to Afghanistan after a deadly bombing in Kabul this week, German Chancellor Angela Merkel said Thursday.

Commenting on the massive blast that killed at least 90 people in downtown Kabul, Merkel said it was time to reassess the security situation in the country.

Federal and state governments agreed on a suspension of deportations to Afghanistan until a further security assessment by the foreign ministry, Merkel said in Berlin, adding that the suspension would most likely continue until July.

Pending the new assessment, Germany will continue to promote voluntary return and would keep deporting criminal offenders and threats to security on a case by case basis, Merkel said.

The attack was a reason to "take another proper look" at Afghanistan, with the German Foreign Ministry examining the threats "province by province."

Many German politicians have long argued that Merkel's government was not justified in sending refugees back to Afghanistan due to safety concerns. The argument escalated after the latest attack in the heavily guarded diplomatic heart of Kabul. In response, the German Green Party on Thursday launched a parliamentary motion to halt the deportations. The largest opposition party in the German parliament, the Left Party, derided deportations as "inhumane."

As the news of the Wednesday attack broke, Germany was preparing to send a plane full of refugees back to Kabul. The plane was delayed, with Berlin explaining that German diplomats in Kabul were too preoccupied with the blast to deal with the returnees.

However, German Interior Minister Thomas de Maiziere said that the flight would be rescheduled as soon as possible.

Earlier, Joachim Herman, interior minister in the German state of Bavaria, had told the media that it was still "feasible" to return the refugees to Afghanistan.

"The latest attack in Kabul was terrible," he told newspapers of the Funke Mediengruppe. "But we don't have to stop the deportations because of it."

No place is safe

Merkel's main rival in the upcoming parliamentary elections, Martin Schulz, had urged for a halt to deportations at least until the assessment is complete.

"In the light of what happened yesterday, I don't think we should be deporting anymore," he said, speaking at a forum organized by the German public broadcaster WDR.

A defense policy expert for Schulz's SPD party, Rainer Arnold, agreed that deportations were "not responsible" at this moment.

"There is no place in that country where people can live safely," he told the Passauer Neue Presse newspaper.

Between December and March, Germany deported 92 Afghan nationals on several charter flights to Kabul.

aw, dj/rt (Reuters, dpa, AFP, KNA)

Across South Asia, less than five percent of the 8 million severely wasted children are receiving appropriate care and treatment.

Kathmandu/Dhaka, 16 May 2017 – A regional conference organized jointly by the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) will identify actions to accelerate progress in the care of severely wasted children, which affects 8 million children in South Asia. It brings together, for the first time, government representatives, UN partners and civil society organizations from across South Asia, together with regional and global experts on nutrition to exchange regional analyses, expertise and experience on addressing wasting in the context of overall nutrition programming.

South Asia remains the epicentre of the global child wasting and stunting crisis. Severe wasting compromises the ability of children to grow and develop to their full potential, contributing to stunted growth and cognitive deficits as well as increased mortality risk. The costs of inaction to families and nations are considerable – stunted children earn 20 percent less as adults compared to non-stunted children, constraining economic growth across the region.

“The first priority is ensuring the healthy growth and development of children. This requires interventions to improve women’s nutrition before and during pregnancy, actions to support breastfeeding from the very first hour of life, interventions to improve the quality of food for young children, and programmes to protect children from infections. And when these prevention efforts fail and children become severely wasted, it is critical they receive appropriate care and treatment to safeguard their lives, growth and development,” said Jean Gough, Regional Director for UNICEF in South Asia.

Across South Asia, less than five percent of the 8 million severely wasted children are receiving appropriate care and treatment. This low coverage is adding to the burden of mortality and morbidity in young children and limiting the growth and development of the untreated millions. Early detection and treatment of wasting is one powerful action to reduce stunting and its negative impacts.

“Investing in the capacity of communities, community-based organizations and civil society groups to identify and address undernutrition within their communities is the core of our endeavours for a collective approach to nutrition in South Asia. This investment is the key to unlocking the potential of this generation and the next,” said Amjad Hussain Sial, Secretary General of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

Community-based approaches are indeed critical to preventing and treating severe wasting.  Over 50 countries have adopted community-based management of severe wasting, including Afghanistan, Nepal and Pakistan. This community-based care approaches are already saving thousands of lives and safeguarding the growth and development of many more Children by bringing more affordable services closer to families.

Feature

Central African Republic

Affected areas Basse Kotto, Haute-Kotto,
Mbomou and Ouaka prefectures

Cause of displacement Conflict

Figures More than 33,000 new displacements between 1 February and 30 April; about 24,000 returns in March; about 87,000 IDPs in Ouaka prefecture as of 19 April; about 426,000 IDPs in the country as of the end of March

Between 2,000 and 2,500 people were displaced between February and April from Mbomou prefecture (after confrontations in Bakouma and Nzako towns in March), Ouaka, and Haute-Kotto to Alindao town in Basse Kotto prefecture. Of this group, about 350 mainly Fula people from Mboumou were staying in the offices of AFAPS (Association des Femmes d’Alaindao pour la Lutte contre la Pauvreté et le Sida), a non-governmental organisation. Others stayed with host families (OCHA, 30 April 2017).

Basse Kotto prefecture
More than 14,000 people were displaced from Mingala town in Basse Kotto prefecture between 1 March and 30 April because of confrontations between armed groups.
This is more than half of the population of Mingala. They fled within the prefecture and to Haute-Kotto, Ouaka and Mbomou prefectures (OCHA, 30 April 2017). Another 316 people displaced from Kollo in Basse Kotto at an unspecified time were in Ndana as of 30 April (OCHA, 30 April 2017).

Mbomou prefecture
About 100 Fula people, mainly women and children, fled into the bush after being ambushed by a group presumed to be anti-balaka in Fodé town in Mbomou on 11 April.
About 3,500 people fled into the bush after the attack of a group presumed to be the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (l’Union pour la Paix en Centrafrique, UPC) on Dembia town in Mbomou on 14 April (OCHA, 16 April 2017).

Daniel Trilling

At its peak in the summer of 2016, the former Athens airport terminal at Elliniko was home to more than 3,000 refugees. A makeshift camp set up during Europe's refugee “crisis” the summer before, it is now home to fewer than 700 people, nearly all of them from Afghanistan.

Read more on IRIN

SID, Serbia– Aliah*, a 28-year-old woman from Afghanistan, took an unusually brave step in April: She spoke with candour about her sexual and reproductive health needs at a workshop in Sid, a town in north-western Serbia.

“I am happy that we have a gynaecologist available,” she explained.

Serbia is hosting thousands of refugees, migrants and asylum-seekers. The workshop, held in a transit centre, aimed to inform them about the sexual and reproductive health care available, including gynaecological exams, antenatal care and family planning services.

The workshop also sought to understand the obstacles to care that refugees and migrants face.

Women like Aliah,* who is originally from Kabul, demonstrate why these services are important: She has three children and has had two miscarriages.

She started her family life at a very young age – as a child bride. “I was married when I was 14 years old. I was still a kid who enjoyed playing outdoors.”

She gave birth to her first child at home, with the help of an elderly woman from her village. Now pregnant with her fourth child, Aliah is relieved to know that she can access medical care.

“I am very glad… that I have an opportunity to take care of my body and to increase my quality of life,” she said.

Confronting obstacles to care

UNFPA, together with its partner the Danish Refugee Council, is making sexual and reproductive health care available to refugees and migrants around Serbia. UNFPA has provided mobile clinics to the health centres in Sid and Vranie, which are reaching communities in Adasevci, Principovac, Presevo and Bujanovac.

This care is not only for pregnant women. Services can also help people delay or avoid pregnancy, protect against sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and screen for reproductive cancers.

But at the workshop, women revealed vastly different opinions about the importance of seeking these services. Many were uncomfortable even discussing the topic.

And some were especially reluctant to seek health care when the services are provided by male health workers. They feared they would become the subject of rumours or stigma if they saw male gynaecologists.

But Aliah says she has no such fear, and that her family supports her.

“I have the full support of my husband, who agrees that we need to do everything for my own health and health needs of my child,” she said.

Getting women to prioritize their health

Reha*, too, is willing to seek care.

Like Aliah, Reha is from Afghanistan, and is pleased to know that reproductive health services are available in Serbia.

She has two children, and would like to have more, but she suffers from a hormone imbalance that could affect her chances of getting pregnant again. Medical care could help remedy her condition, she said.

But many women choose to seek health services only when they are pregnant, forgoing routine check-ups, STI screenings and counselling about family planning options.

Even Aliah said she has only used contraceptives – in the form of condoms – for two months in her life. But she says she is open to the idea.

Workshop staff emphasized that women should prioritize their own health, even when they are not pregnant.

Meanwhile, Aliah is eager for her antenatal visit. “I just have scheduled an appointment for next week,” she said.

• Names changed to protect privacy

Daniel Trilling

At its peak in the summer of 2016, the former Athens airport terminal at Elliniko was home to more than 3,000 refugees. A makeshift camp set up during Europe's refugee “crisis” the summer before, it is now home to fewer than 700 people, nearly all of them from Afghanistan.

Read more on IRIN

KABUL - The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) is deeply concerned that today’s protests have led to more violence and loss of life following Wednesday’s terrorist attack that caused hundreds of civilian casualties.

“The genuine anger expressed by the protesters, many of whom suffered the loss of family and friends, is fully understandable,” said Tadamichi Yamamoto, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Afghanistan. “But this tragic week has already added too much civilian suffering to Afghanistan, and further violence will not solve any problems.”

While recognizing the constitutional right of those with grievances to express them peacefully in public demonstrations, UNAMA reminds those protesting, and also those in a position to protect the protestors, that all have an obligation to avoid violence.

“During the emotional period following the horrific attack that took place this week in Kabul, it is imperative to seek ways to listen to and voice grievances peacefully,” said Mr Yamamoto, welcoming the Government’s willingness to meet with those who have protested today.

“I strongly discourage any actor from seeking opportunistically to use these very emotional and fragile moments to destabilize the situation and risk further harm to civilians,” said the UN envoy, who is also head of UNAMA.

UNAMA is encouraged that the Government of Afghanistan has stressed today that its security forces must ensure the principles of tolerance, professionalism and law-based behavior, and welcomes the Government’s commitment to prosecute and bring to justice the perpetrators of crimes against the people.

KABUL - I wish to express my heartfelt condolences to family and friends of the victims, all civilians, who once again suffered indescribable loss today. Today’s attack on a peaceful funeral procession is morally reprehensible and bereft of humanity.

I urge everyone not to respond to violence with more violence. The attack today, conducted by those opportunistically seeking to use these very fragile moments to destabilize Afghanistan, follows so much violence this week across the country -- in Khost, in Kabul and in other provinces. In the context of so much suffering, now is the time to seek unity and solidarity.

I have spoken with a broad spectrum of Afghanistan’s political leaders, highlighting the importance of unity. They agreed that working together is essential to stop the cycle of violence. Calm is now called for. Ensuring security in Kabul is an urgent priority, as this city continues to experience the highest number of civilian casualties.

As I have repeatedly said, the ultimate objective in Afghanistan must be a negotiated peace. Meaningful steps must take place now to obtain an immediate, nationwide halt to violence. I encourage all parties to enter discussions toward that end. The United Nations stands ready to help.

I continue to urge all members of the international community to help put an end this cycle of violence and support the foundations of a lasting peace. The upcoming Kabul meeting on regional peace and security provides an immediate opportunity to do so. I am in constant contact with members of the diplomatic community to work together to ensure coherent support.

Tadamichi Yamamoto is the United Nations Secretary-General's Special representative for Afghanistan and head of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA)

KABUL -- Several people have been killed and more than 100 wounded in three explosions in Kabul near the funeral of an Afghan senator's son, one of five victims of deadly clashes between police and protesters a day earlier, witnesses and officials say.

The deadly blasts continued a surge of violence that has swept through Kabul since a massive truck bombing in the Afghan capital on May 31.

Waheed Majroh, a spokesman for the Afghan Health Ministry, told RFE/RL that at least seven people were killed and 119 injured in the blasts, which Afghan Chief Executive Officer Abdullah Abdullah said were the work of suicide bombers.

Abdullah was one of several senior government officials attending the funeral at the time of the explosions, though he was unharmed.

He said on state television afterward that three suicide bombers detonated their vests as mourners were paying their respects to Salem Izadyar, the son of a senator who was killed during a protest on June 2 attended by hundreds in Kabul.

President Ashraf Ghani said in a statement: "The country is under attack. We must be strong and united."

The blasts also drew a call from Tadamichi Yamamoto, the United Nations' special envoy to Afghanistan, for "urgent measures to halt the cycle of violence."

"Calm is now called for. Ensuring security in Kabul is an urgent priority, as this city continues to experience the highest number of civilian casualties," Yamamoto said in a statement.

There were conflicting reports of the death toll throughout the day.

Interior Ministry spokesman Najib Danish said that "initial reports show at least 10 casualties" from the three blasts that rocked the cemetery where Izadyar, the son of senator Alam Izadyar, was about to be buried.

Alam Izadyar is deputy speaker for the upper house of the country's parliament.

A report by Germany's dpa news agency citing an unidentified security official put the death toll at 20 people, with 18 people wounded.

The blasts at Izadyar's funeral came as Afghan authorities pledged to investigate the violent clashes during an antigovernment protest on June 2 in response to this week's devastating truck-bomb attack in Kabul.

Deputy Interior Minister Murad Ali Murad said on June 3 the attorney general would investigate allegations of violence on June 2 by police as well as by demonstrators, some of whom appeared to be armed.

The June 2 rally descended into hours of confrontation between stone-throwing protesters and police, who fired into the air to repel crowds trying to reach the presidential palace by pushing through security cordons.

The protest followed a massive truck-bomb explosion on May 31 that killed at least 90 people and wounded 460 -- one of the deadliest attacks seen in the Afghan capital since the U.S.-led campaign that toppled the Islamist Taliban regime in 2001.

The attack mounted additional pressure on President Ashraf Ghani's government over its inability to ensure security in Kabul.

Streets in the center of the Afghan capital were closed on June 3 as the authorities tried to prevent a repeat of the violence.

However, a group of about 200 protesters remained near the blast site in the center, sheltering from the sun in open tents.

Intelligence officials have blamed the attack on the Taliban-affiliated Haqqani network, a group that has been linked to several similar attacks in the past.

The Taliban has denied being behind the attack, but media reports say that the president has signed orders to execute 11 Taliban and affiliated Haqqani network militants on death row, despite that denial.

The militant group on June 2 threatened retaliation if the Afghan government executed Taliban prisoners in revenge for the attack.

In a statement on its website, the Taliban said that "harsh exemplary attacks" would follow, including the killing of foreign hostages it holds, if the government executed the 11 prisoners.

The latest violence comes as U.S. and coalition officials are working on plans expected to see an increase of between 3,000 and 5,000 in the number of foreign troops in Afghanistan.

The huge truck-bomb attack was the latest in a long series of high-profile militant attacks that have killed hundreds of civilians in Afghanistan since most international forces left the country in 2014.

In the first three months of the year at least 715 civilians were killed across the country, after almost 3,500 last year -- the deadliest on record for Afghan civilians.

Authors: Martine van Bijlert and Thomas Ruttig

It has been an incredibly difficult week for Kabul. In four days, over a hundred people were killed and several hundreds injured – most of them in a massive terrorist attack in central Kabul on 31 May 2017. Two days later, as angry protests threatened to become violent, the police opened fire killing and injuring several more people. The next day, during the funeral of one of the victims, a triple suicide attack tore through the rows of the mourners just as they started their prayers – miraculously leaving most of the gathered Jamiat leaders unharmed. The situation in Kabul remains tense, but there have been no further protests yet, as politicians mull their options. AAN’s Martine van Bijlert and Thomas Ruttig describe how the events of the past few days unfolded and quickly became highly political (with input from Obaid Ali and Ali Adili).

The German news agency dpa, that has an office in Kabul, reported a total of 117 people killed and 586 injured over the last four days – to which one probably should add “at least.” There were media reports quoting Afghan officials as saying that some bodies will probably never be recovered due to the enormous strength of the explosion, which indicates that there might be a number of unknown, and uncounted, victims.

The massive truck bomb (31 May 2017)

The carnage started on 31 May 2017 when a wastewater tanker packed with an estimated 1500 kg of explosives detonated at a junction between Kabul’s Sherpur and Wazir Akbar Khan neighbourhoods, during the morning rush hour. There, the road forks off to the nearby German embassy – which was destroyed beyond repair (personnel had reportedly been relocated a few days earlier after warnings) – and further on to Resolute Support’s military headquarters, the US, UK and other embassies, as well one of the presidential palace’s entrances.

The truck had reportedly been turned away from another entrance into what some foreigners call Kabul’s ‘Green Zone’ where many embassies, international organisations and leading Afghan politicians’ villas are situated. Alert policemen had reportedly not recognised the driver and had sent him away, even though he drove a truck with the sign of the company that normally services the area and had carried (false) papers that would have allowed the vehicle in. From there, the truck apparently drove to near the German embassy, was stopped again and detonated (a Tolo report has the name of the police officer who stopped the truck and was killed together with eight colleagues.) Footage from nearby surveillance cameras show the enormous strength of the explosion.

The way the events unfolded has led the German authorities to preliminarily assume, according to the same report, that the target was not their embassy in particular, but rather a ‘high-level target’ inside the Green Zone, in general.

The corner where the tanker exploded was the last point that was still accessible for general traffic before entering this part of town (see this footage).
The area is usually crowded at that time of the day. As a result, not only police and security company personnel that manned the nearby check-post, but large numbers of Afghan civilians were harmed – an estimated 90 people killed and further 460 injured, some so badly that it will affect them for the rests of their lives. The explosion also badly damaged properties of banks, companies and shops in a radius of around a kilometre. This included the nearby Emergency Hospital where many injured were transported to – fortunately, only minor damage was sustained and it was able to continue operating. (1) As often after similar attacks, Kabulis flocked to hospitals in large numbers to donate blood.

There was no claim of responsibility for the attack, from neither the Taleban or Daesh’s local ‘Khorasan’ chapter (ISKP), but the Afghan intelligence (NDS), already on the same evening, accused the Haqqani network of having organised the blast, in cooperation with the Pakistani intelligence service, the ISI (Tweet in Dari here; see also this report). On 2 June 2017, the Taleban, in response, released a second statement (quoted here), this time explicitly stating that “None of our Mujahideen including those of Haqqani Sahib had any role in this event, neither does the killing of civilians benefit the Islamic Emirate.” (2)

President Ashraf Ghani, in response to the attack, ordered the execution of eleven Haqqani and Taleban prisoners – a fact that was reported but has not yet been effected. The Taleban, as in the past, responded by threatening that if prisoners were executed “all offices of the Kabul administration” would come under attack.

Vigils and debates (1 June 2017)

After the trauma of the massive blast, that was felt all over Kabul and affected almost everybody, there was a clear desire to act: take a stand against the perpetrators, but also express frustration and to make demands from the government. The grief and rage sought an outlet and was aimed in different directions: at the attackers, whoever they were, at Pakistan who was accused of having had a hand in it, and at the government and its security apparatus, who people felt should have prevented the attack.

On 1 June 2017, in an initial response, dozens of mainly young Kabulis gathered at the blast site for a vigil. Among other slogans, the protestors demanded the execution of “Daesh prisoners.” But there was hope that the outrage over the carnage would lead to more peaceful, pro-peace protests, as had been the case after earlier events (for instance after the attacks on a lake-side restaurant in Kargha in late June 2012 and the Serena Hotel in March 2014). But the debates on whether to organise a mass demonstration the next day, already held forebodings of what could happen. Several civil society groups pulled out, fearing that the protests could turn violent, would possibly be hijacked for political means, or could be targeted for further carnage – and all three did indeed happen.

Protests and more deaths (2 June 2017)

When demonstrators returned the following day, on 2 June 2017, in large numbers, the mood was more much tense and anti-government, and there was an array of agendas on display. There were calls for the government to resign in favour of an interim government. Some demonstrators carried anti-Hekmatyar posters (protesting the return and political inclusion of the Hezb-e Islami leader after a peace deal with the government, see here and here for background), as well as the green-white-black flags of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the mujahedin government of 1992-96 (photo here; there had also been earlier anti-Hekmatyar protests immediately after his arrival in Kabul using the same insignia, organised by the Green Trend, a movement of mainly former and young Jamiatis, led by former intelligence chief Amrullah Saleh). There were even placards denouncing one of Ghani’s international advisers, saying that “Ghani dances to the orders of this man.”

At least part of the crowd wanted to march on to the presidential palace; they were stopped by the police which was out in the streets in strength. The situation turned tense as the security forces used water cannons, tear gas and batons and, at some point, live ammunition, killing a number of protestors. Figures still differ, from two dead according to Kabul’s police chief to at least seven, according to the BBC, or eight, according to Jamiati MP Hafiz Mansur, and some 30 others injured. The police chief alleged that protesters had been carrying weapons and had fired at the police, wounding four officers. Photos were circulated on social media claiming to show armed protestors.

It was a tense and confusing day, particularly as news of the deaths started coming in and being confirmed. One of the dead was Salem Ezadyar, the son of a leading Jamiati politician and current deputy chairman of the Meshrano Jirga, or Senate.

After the protest, a smaller group of demonstrators set up a tent near the Emergency Hospital (an area between the blast side and Kabul’s Shahr-e Naw) to stay in the area and keep the spirit of the protest alive. Zia Massud, who was dismissed as the president’s special representative for government reform in April of this year, who joined them later, was quoted as saying that “the people have decided to change the system and set up a temporary [interim] government” (which has been his demand, ever since he was dismissed from the government). (3)

Funerals and more carnage (3 June 2017)

On Saturday 3 June 2017, with people still reeling from the events of the day before, debates on whether to continue and possibly escalate the demonstrations were ongoing. Afghan police and intelligence officials however urged Kabul’s inhabitants to stay indoors, citing a threat of possible attacks that could target large gatherings of people (see here and here). There were no demonstrations, but people did gather for the funerals.

One of the main funerals, attended by leading politicians (mainly but not exclusively from Jamiat), was the one of Ezadyar’s son. It took place at the same cemetery where former Jamiati leader Marshal Fahim was buried, in Kabul’s northern Saray-e Shamali area. While the mourners lined up for prayers, three explosions tore through the second or third row (see dramatic footage here), killing at least 20 and injuring 119. According to the NDS the attackers had used explosive-rigged shoes. (4) This explains the relatively small casualty toll, given that the explosion took place in the midst of the mourners, as the shoes contained a relatively small amount of explosives and probably no ball bearings or other forms of shrapnel. Leaders, who had stood close by the scene of the explosions, including Chief Executive Dr Abdullah, Foreign Minister and interim Jamiat leader Salahuddin Rabbani and Amrullah Saleh remained unharmed.(5)

Emotions obviously ran high, as the crowds dispersed in disarray and anger. Smaller groups at the site reportedly started attacking the police, trying to disarm them and setting fire to two police Rangers, but were calmed by their elders, as local people told AAN. There were accusations against the government and the security organs for failing to protect the mourners, if not of conspiring with the attackers. In particular Balkh governor Atta Mohammad Nur called the 3 June attack a “cowardly conspiracy and a direct attack on a specific political current [Jamiat] [which] furthers the speculations about the hand of circles within the establishment in orchestrating these attacks.” Others on social media labelled the (Ghani part of the) government as ‘fascist’ and demanded its resignation.

Chief Executive Abdullah, who had been present during the attack, appeared live on Tolo TV from his home late that afternoon appealing for calm, while the Jamiati leadership gathered in Rabbani’s house (Abdullah had recently not been re-elected into the extended party leadership). Rabbani, in contrast, announced that he would soon make a statement about the “terrorists inside the system”, also hinting at alleged government officials’ involvement in funeral attack. The statement however never came. In the meantime, the Jamiat leadership continued to debate their course of action, while the city held its breath to see how they would respond.

Where we are now: A lull (4 June 2017)

This morning, Sunday 4 June 2017, all main routes to the palace and the site of the attack remained closed. Protestors continued to camp out in their tent close to the Emergency hospital, with reports of plans to erect more tents elsewhere. The city is not in lockdown, but it is eerily quiet in many areas, with many people opting to stay at home (several schools apparently sent the children home again, based on threat warnings).

The traditional three days of mourning after the latest deaths – those shot by government forces and those killed at the funeral – will end by Tuesday. The Jamiat leadership, which did not come to a consensus on how to act yet, has asked its supporters to refrain from protests or rioting until they have reached a decision.

The Jamiat council has reached out to other groups, some of whom had joined Friday’s protests, in the hope of forging alliances, but has so far not been very successful. Groups that were approached include Jombesh-e Melli (whose leader and First Vice President General Abdul Rashid Dostum has long been sidelined and had been bundled off to Turkey in May 2017 for ‘medical treatment’), the Protection and Stability Council headed by Abdul Rab Sayyaf, the well-organised Hazara pressure group Jombesh-e Roshnayi, as well as several civil society groups. There were also contacts between Hezb-e Wahdat and Jamiat.

All of these groups have grudges of their own and have been highly critical of the current government and its inability to meet their demands. Several of these groups, moreover, share Jamiat’s suspicions towards what they consider a Pashtun-nationalist agenda of parts of the government. But none of them seem keen to join protests that could easily turn violent and that threaten to be hijacked by groups and personalities who seem intent on (or at least give the impression they wouldn’t mind) toppling the government.

The Jamiat leadership council – that was just expanded from 9 to 60 members – is divided on how to proceed. Some want to continue protests regardless of whether they turn violent or not. Others only want protests if they remain peaceful, while some are in favour of negotiating with the government first, and reverting to protests only if the negotiations fail to bring results. The latter group seems to have lost out for the moment, as today’s invitation to come to the palace to talk was apparently refused. Governor Atta further said they had sent a delegation to Abdullah to make him clarify his position: whether he stood “with the people” or with the government. Abdullah spokesman, though, later denied that there was such ultimatum.

At the same time, in the afternoon of 3 June, Dr Abdullah was quoted by Voice of America’s Dari service as saying he was ready to step down “if it could heal the pain of the people.”

Chief Executive Abdullah, according to Mitra TV, urged the Jamiat delegation when they came to him to end the protests so that the planned international Kabul Process conference – a new regional peace initiative of the government – could go ahead and to postpone any demands that security officials be dismissed until after it . With regard to his own position, he said he would decide after the conference. (The regional conference, scheduled for 6 June was to be participated by the US, Pakistan India, Saudi Arabia, Japan, the United Kingdom, Russia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Turkey, Germany, France, China, the EU and the UN – see also here).

Looking ahead

The events of the last days have again showcased the deep vulnerability of the National Unity Government. Part of this vulnerability is due to the impractical structure of the current government that was negotiated by John Kerry, then US foreign minister, after the contentious elections of 2014. Part of it is due to the deep divisions and lack of trust between the government’s two camps (those of Abdullah/Jamiat and of Ghani) and their supporters. Another part is due to the fact that many of the political factions can mobilise armed people and that in particular Jamiat has used the threat of large demonstrations that may or may not turn violent, as a political pressure tactic.

Mass demonstrations in Kabul, in particularly in response to highly emotive events, are generally met with great anxiety by the sitting government. Critics argue that this illustrates how the government is out of touch with its people, cannot acknowledge their emotions or recognise legitimate demands and does not know how to respond in ways that would defuse a tense situation. Those close to the government, on the other hand, point to the massive risks involved in the demonstrations, including that of mass casualties if the crowd is targeted (as happened earlier with this Jombesh-e Rushnayi demonstration on 23 July 2016) and the threat that armed groups may use the cover of the crowd to incite violence and attack the government (as was feared during the Zabul Seven (or “Tabasum”) demonstrations in November 2015 and the protests after the 2014 elections).

Furthermore, the demonstrations on Friday did present a struggle between those who wanted to use the gathering to express outrage and grief, and those who wanted to use the crowd to put pressure on the government (This is illustrated in this short clip where Latif Pedram, leader of a small Tajik nationalist party, is shouted down by demonstrators asking him not to make this about politics). The police, despite years of training by ISAF and now Resolute Support forces, continue to struggle with peaceful crowd control. But their job is also often greatly complicated by reports of armed demonstrators trying to move towards the palace.

For now, the momentum of the demonstrations seems to have halted. There seems to be little appetite among most politicians for a situation that spirals completely out of control. And although the current government is maddeningly dysfunctional and divided, any other politicians in their place would equally struggle to face the country’s current challenges. Given that there are no real mechanics for a change in government (despite demands for snap elections or the formation of a interim government) and no leaders that seem to garner trust beyond their immediate supporters, it is very unlikely that any radical change would lead to an improvement. And there does indeed seem to be very little appetite among the wider population to have the current weak government replaced by squabbling politicians in a fragmenting political field.

Which is of course also what bothers those who have legitimate complaints against the government. They fear that because of the near consensus that the current weak government is better than most of its alternatives, there will be no accountability for its mistakes, its negligence and the sometimes outright partisan behavior of its parts but a continuation of the less than satisfactory status quo.

(1) On 4 June 2017 the hospital raised an alarm, reporting“gentle threats” by some of the protesters camping outside, and appealed for the security of its staff to be safeguarded to ensure that they could keep they hospital open.

(2) Serajuddin Haqqani, the leader of the so-called Haqqani network, was appointed first deputy under then Taleban leader Mullah Akhtar Muhammad Mansur in 2015; Mansur was killed in a US drone attack in the following year.

(3) Protests were also held in Herat (photos here and here), with approximately 300 people attending. They remained peaceful. Protests in Mazar-e Sharif planned for 4 June were called off by governor’s office in the last moments and postponed to 5 June. Protests in Takhar province held already on 3 June also went by without any disturbence. At the same time, Iranians and Pakistanis held vigils for the Afghan victims in Mashhad, Tehran and Peshawar.

(4) According to the NDS, there had been four attackers at the funeral of Salim Ezadyar, one of whom had not detonated himself. The NDS claimed to have arrested 13 “suicide attackers and terrorists,” including the fourth attacker at the funeral. In the course of the day the NDS released details and footage of the man, who apparently admitted to having been recruited and trained by the Taleban in a madrassa in Quetta, Pakistan. The Taleban reportedly rejected the accusation per WhatsApp message.

(5) Among the killed reportedly was Mawlawi Jalal, a member of the Ulema Council, and among the injured was health minister Firozuddin Firuz, Senate chairman Muslimyar and Massud Khalili, a close aide of late commander Ahmad Shah Massud, poet and later long-term ambassador to India and Spain. (Khalili had been in the room, and had survived, during Ahmad Shah Massud’s assassination by two terrorists masquerading as TV journalists – the bomb was hidden in a video camera – on 9 September 2009.)

At least four Afghans were killed when protesters demanding better security clashed with riot police in Kabul Friday.

Witnesses say police fired live rounds into the air to disperse hundreds of stone-throwing demonstrators.

Public anger has been mounting since a devastating truck bomb explosion Wednesday at the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. One of the worst attacks since 2001 killed 90 people and wounded more than 450 others.

More than a thousand demonstrators, many carrying pictures of bomb victims, gathered Friday near the site of the blast and marched toward the presidential palace, demanding the resignation of the Afghan government. Some protesters burned effigies of President Ashraf Ghani.

Riot police used water cannons and tear gas to push the protesters back and also fired live bullets over the heads of the crowd. Hospital workers say at least four people died.

International rights group Amnesty International denounced the police action as an "excessive and deadly response" and called for an investigation.

The United Nations Special Representative in Afghanistan, Tadamichi Yamamoto, appealed for restraint. "I strongly discourage any actor from seeking opportunistically to use these very emotional and fragile moments to destabilize the situation and risk further harm to civilians," he said in a statement.

No one has claimed responsibility for Wednesday’s truck-bomb attack, which Afghanistan’s intelligence agency has blamed the Taliban-allied Haqqani Network.

Most of those killed were civilians, but the casualty list also included members of Afghan security forces.

By Anna Shea, Amnesty International's Researcher on Refugee and Migrants Rights

The moment you step outside the airport in Kabul, the first thing that strikes you are the roses. They are everywhere — lining the dusty motorway into town, clustering in flowerbeds in traffic circles, blooming in private gardens.

The second thing you see is fear. Foreigners hide behind their sandbagged walls, barbed wire, armed guards and bulletproof vehicles. But many locals are terrified too, including those who fled the country but were recently returned against their will.

There is every reason to be afraid. The fragile government struggles to make headway against the Taliban, which is likely more powerful now than at any time since 2001. Other armed opposition groups — including the so-called Islamic State — have seized control of parts of the country and carry out devastating attacks even in securitized areas of Kabul and elsewhere.

Violent incidents are increasingly frequent. According to the U.N., 2016 was the deadliest year for civilian casualties since its records began in 2009. While my Amnesty International colleagues and I were in Kabul in May 2017, a German aid worker and an Afghan guard were killed, and a Finnish woman likely kidnapped, during an attack on a Swedish NGO in the city. Wednesday’s horrific bomb attack near the German embassy in central Kabul which killed 80 people and injured 350 – the vast majority of whom were Afghan civilians – shows that rather than winding down, the conflict in Afghanistan is escalating dangerously.

British and American authorities warn their citizens against traveling to Afghanistan, saying it remains unsafe "due to the ongoing risk of kidnapping, hostage taking, military combat operations, landmines, banditry, armed rivalry between political and tribal groups" and "insurgent attacks."

And yet, Western governments have deemed the country safe enough for Afghan asylum-seekers to return. Over the past decade and a half, a number of European countries (as well as Australia) have signed Memoranda of Understanding with Afghanistan, through which the country agrees to readmit its citizens under certain conditions. These types of arrangements are not necessarily unreasonable, but their implementation must conform with international law, which prohibits states from transferring people if there is a risk of serious human rights violations.

Nonetheless, even as the situation in Afghanistan has unmistakably worsened, Western governments have escalated their efforts to return Afghans who fled war and persecution.

At an aid conference in October 2016, under pressure from the European Union, the Afghan government signed the EU-Afghanistan “Joint Way Forward,” a document that paves the way for the forcible return of an unlimited number of Afghans from Europe. One unnamed Afghan government official called the agreement a “poisoned cup” the country was forced to accept in return for development aid.

Hundreds of returns have taken place since the agreement was signed six months ago. My colleagues and I recently spoke with Afghans deported from Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. While everyone in Afghanistan is at risk, many of the returned people we spoke to were extremely vulnerable, and their returns likely violated international law.

A young man, whom I’ll call “Azad,” is at serious risk because of his sexual orientation. Afghanistan criminalizes same-sex sexual conduct, and there have been reports of harassment, violence and detention by police. When Azad found out he was going to be deported from a European country, he tried to kill himself and was put under suicide watch until he was forcibly returned.

This was his first time in Kabul, he told me. “I have nowhere to go," he said. "Maybe I will join the drug addicts in the west of the city, just to get some shelter.”

Despite his young age, Azad has survived a number of tragedies. After fleeing the war in Afghanistan as a child he grew up in Iran, and later lost his mother when the family tried to make its way to Europe. While clearly frightened during our conversation, he broke down completely when speaking about her death. “All I want to do is visit her grave.”

Another man, “Farid,” is in danger of religious persecution for converting to Christianity. Like Azad, he left Afghanistan as a child, grew up in Iran, then fled to a European country. He is terrified about what will happen to him in Afghanistan. Still in shock after being wrenched from his adopted country and faith community, he said: “I feel like I’ve fallen from the sky. I don’t believe I’m here.”

He, too, had never been to Kabul. “I don’t know anything about Afghanistan," he told me. "Where will I go? I don’t have funds to live alone and I can’t live with relatives because they will see that I don’t pray.”

Their stories are, unfortunately, far from exceptional. Some deportees have already suffered violence after being forcibly returned to Afghanistan. An Afghan who returned from Germany in January 2017 was injured in a suicide attack near the Supreme Court just two weeks later, according to a recent report by the Afghan Analysts Network. Several other people — including young children — were injured in attacks by armed groups in Kabul, a member of the Afghanistan Migrants Advice and Support Organization told us.

None of these people should have been sent back. When they walked out of the airport, the country was probably as unknown to many of them as it was to me — and they face far greater risks.

European governments and leaders know Afghanistan is not safe. If they don't stop deporting people like Azad and Farid, they will have blood on their hands.

KABUL - The Kabul Process organised at the initiative of Afghanistan signals strong ownership of the peace efforts that have implications for both Afghanistan and the region, said the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Afghanistan at today’s ‘Kabul Process on Peace and Security Cooperation’ meeting, where stakeholders from 26 countries and organizations took the opportunity to establish important steps toward cooperation on crucial issues surrounding peace and security, including terrorism.

At the meeting, UNAMA endorsed the ownership taken by the Afghan Government to start a discussion with neighbouring countries about sustained stability in the region, as well as the establishment of the Kabul Process – a forum to increase regional cooperation for peace and stability – and recognized that the gathering sends a strong signal that the international community stands firmly with Afghanistan and its people to seek collective solutions to the current challenges.

“I am encouraged to see the participation of high-level representatives from so many countries, which signifies the solidarity of participating countries with the Afghan people, particularly in the wake of the egregious attacks in Kabul,” said UN envoy Tadamichi Yamamoto, who is also head of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). “It demonstrates the confidence that the international community has in the government and Afghan society at large to find a common vision for countering terrorism and ensuring peace.”

President Ashraf Ghani stated at the opening of the meeting that the gathering will serve to start the difficult process of defining a pathway that can lead to a just peace that ensures stability, security and the rule of law. The participants strongly supported this vision for peace, and commended it as underlining the principle of inclusion, an important building block for a national peace process. The conference participants noted that such a process should be embedded in a positive international consensus to bring peace to the country and stability to the wider region. They also discussed ways to contribute to an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process.

“For the region at large, a stable Afghanistan is more valuable than an Afghanistan at war,” Mr. Yamamoto said, noting that UNAMA offered its full support to the government and its people to invest in comprehensive peace-building efforts to create trust and address the causes of conflict. “The United Nations welcomes the Afghan President’s renewed commitment to a peace process and to starting a national dialogue.”

UNAMA endorsed today’s meeting as laying the foundation for future cooperation among Afghanistan and its neighbouring countries to tackle the complex issue at hand comprehensively. “This newly established framework will provide the forum required through which other related initiatives can contribute and thereby reinforce overall progress toward peace and stability,” said the UN envoy.

In this context, the United Nations maintains that the inclusion of various stakeholders, such as women representatives, civil society organizations, political actors and young Afghans, as well as the promotion of human rights and the protection of civilians, will be a key component of long-term sustainable peace in the country, and welcomes the Afghan Government’s commitments in this regard.

LAHORE: “The government health facility is located at a distance and we were reluctant to go there. But we came here because this place is easily accessible”, says the mother of 10-month old Mashal Khan after getting routine immunization to the child at a specially organized health camp set up in Lahore’s old Victoria School.

“Since we were away to our ancestral home my child missed out on OPV drops in the last campaign and also did not receive measles vaccination, this camp has helped me catch up on those missed opportunities,” says the mother.

Mashal is one of 1600 other children visiting the medical camp in the past few days. The other three were held in high risk union councils of 90, 118 and 67.

Punjab had zero polio-affected children in 2016, but with the beginning of 2017 the virus paralysed a child in Lodhran, leaving the family devastated. Investigations into this polio case and some recent environmental samples showing circulation of virus in the area have suggest that children who have been paralysed by the virus have frequent travel history to polio-affected areas of Balochistan, Sindh and/or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

The above mentioned UCs in Lahore are considered high risk because of the clusters of settled families who had frequent travel history or have visitors from other polio affected areas of Balochistan, Sindh and KP. These camps are helping to identify and reach out to all such children who have not received any dose of routine vaccination and/or OPV drops.

Vaccination of such children and those persistently missed in polio campaigns are the most potent challenges for Punjab. Punjab has adopted special strategies to reach out to children from high risk areas. In May National Immunization Drive only, over 300,000 such children were vaccinated in host communities and transit sites. Medical camps is also one of the key humanitarian actions taken by the health department to ensure that marginalised communities receive healthcare and that no child is left unvaccinated.

Despite hot weather, the school’s thick pre-partition walls provided much needed relief to the visitors. Being Friday, people rushed to the camp early in the day and continued to visit till late afternoon.

Various stalls had been set up in the school premises to sensitise communities about dengue and conduct routine immunization including polio. Free medicines were made available in the dispensary.

A couple of Lady Health Visitors were available to screen the patients before check-up by doctors. A separate counter was set up to register children who did not have birth certificates. “The community response is massive and it will help revive their trust in health services by the government’, says Dr. Nagza who is deputed at the camp to examine patients.

Communication Network, an organisation supported by the UNICEF for social mobilization, played an important to sensitise the community during the four medical camps. As per data available, nearly 1600 patients visited all the four medical camps for various ailments. Over 437 children were given routine vaccination, 70 of them for the first time. Ninety four children who had missed a dose were provided with routine vaccination. 322 children who were due for vaccination were also given free vaccine. Taking advantage of the camp, the union council secretaries registered 125 children who did not have their birth certificates.

Emergency Operations Centre Coordinator Dr Munir Ahmad hailed efforts of the Comnet as well as health staff deployed in the camp. “The services of the doctors, paramedical and Comnet staff in this humid weather are exemplary and a gift for the ailing community just before Ramazan”, says Dr Munir. “The Punjab government with the support of Unicef will take it even further in other districts of Punjab very soon”, says the EOC coordinator.

“Children who frequently move to areas which are not polio free are more vulnerable and at the same time carry the risk to bring virus to areas declared polio-free. Through this camp we have tried to provide additional protection to such children”, says Dr Munir.

Globally Pakistan, Afghanistan and Nigeria are the only polio endemic countries. Pakistan and Afghanistan have jointly reported five polio cases in the current year. Pakistan reported two polio cases; one from Lodhran, Punjab and the other from Diamer in Gilgit Baltistan.

“We are thankful to the administration of the medical camp because it helped us save time and protect children from various diseases”, says mother of Mashal.

Participation by women even more urgent in light of recent attacks in Kabul

By Heather Barr

Senior Researcher, Women's Rights Division

Kabul’s citizens desperately need an end to the violence. The city spent much of last week burying its dead, again and again. On May 31, a truck bomb exploded at a busy intersection, killing 150 people and wounding more than 300. On June 2, nine people were killed and more wounded when police clashed with protesters marching in the wake of the bombing. On June 3, three suicide bombers detonated at the funeral of one of the slain protesters, killing at least 12 more and injuring dozens.

The last attack happened the evening before the Afghan government’s latest effort at peace talks, the Kabul Process, began. And despite security challenges and the damage to the building where the meeting was to be held, the talks went ahead – a testament the urgency with which the Afghan government sees these talks.

Yet the Kabul Process is already missing a crucial factor to a successful outcome. Research shows that full participation by women in peace negotiations increases the chances of a deal being reached and it being successful. Yet the “family photo” of the meeting participants, 47 Afghan and foreign dignitaries, included only two Afghan women.

In previous talks, Afghan women have sometimes been totally absent, sometimes been relegated to note-taking roles, and have never appeared in numbers sufficient to transcend tokenism. A long-promised plan by the Afghan government to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which calls for women’s equal participation in issues surrounding peace and security, has been beset by delays and apathy.

The Kabul Process aims to bring together regional actors to support peace, and to put the Afghan government more clearly in charge than in prior efforts. But in the marginalization of women, the Kabul Process is already a continuation of earlier, unsuccessful, efforts.

This is a grave mistake for all Afghans who long for security. Last week, Afghan women died beside men in the bombing, and marched beside men in the protest. If peace is to come, they must also sit next to men at the negotiating table.

Access to Justice and Legal Remedies in the Current Legal Framework

• The endorsement of the Law on Foreigners and International Protection (LFIP) in April 2014 introduced a specific provision reinforcing access to justice and legal remedies, including pro bono legal assistance for asylum applicants and refugees as well as judiciary review by the Administrative and Magistrate Courts in the appeals procedure. The LFIP is complemented by other legislation already recognizing the right to legal aid for persons seeking international protection in Turkey.

• The right to submit individual applications to the Constitutional Court strengthened available legal remedies: In 2010, pursuant to Constitutional amendments, any person whose fundamental rights and freedoms, as set forth in the ECHR and guaranteed by the Constitution, have been infringed upon by a public authority can apply to the Constitutional Court.

UNHCR Strategy and Activities

• On 28 February 2017, UNHCR signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Justice Academy of Turkey, the national institution in charge of designing programmes and projects to enhance the technical knowledge of judges and prosecutors. With this MoU, both Parties committed to cooperate in the framework of a workplan developed to expand know-how concerning adjudication as relates to refugees in private law, criminal law and administrative law in Turkey. Within this framework, several joint activities such as workshops and seminars are being organized. Curriculum and reference materials targeting judges and prosecutors will be designed as part of this initiative.

• Between October and December 2016 five site visits were conducted in Konya, Sanliurfa, Hatay, Istanbul and Mugla to identify gaps and challenges on asylum-seekers’ and refugees’ access to justice and to discuss proposed solutions with administrative, civil and criminal law judges, as well as prosecutors. The visits were conducted in cooperation with the Justice Academy, and with the participation of six prosecutors and 24 judges from 12 different provinces, two rapporteurs from the Council of State and the Constitutional Court, and three judges from the Justice Academy. A two-day meeting was held on 2-3 February 2017 to analyze the findings of these visits and propose a way forward.

• In March, 98 lawyers and intern lawyers from the Konya Bar Association, including law faculty students and NGO staff were trained on International Protection to spur their engagement in refugee protection. ■ In line with the MoU signed with the Union of Turkish Bar Associations, UNHCR is currently establishing a pool of interpreters to support lawyers with their oral and written interpretation needs as relates to their work with refugees. The pool will be based in Ankara and will be equipped to receive calls from across the country whenever interpretation is needed in legal representation.

QUETTA: The UN Refugee Agency UNHCR signed a Partnership Agreement with Balochistan University of Information Technology, Engineering and Management Sciences (BUITEMS) on 7th June 2017 Wednesday. This collaboration is aimed at establishing a Centre for Refugees and Migration Studies (CRMS) as well as provision of training for refugee teachers and opportunities for entrepreneurship/business studies for refugee students in the university. On the occasion, a plaque marking the establishment of the Centre was also unveiled jointly by UNHCR Country Representative Mr. Indrika Ratwatte, Chief Commissioner for Afghan Refugees Dr. Imran Zeb and BUITEMS Vice Chancellor Engr. Ahmed Farooq Bazai.

Under the Partnership Agreement, UNHCR will support the university to establish a Centre in its premises and BUITEMS would provide admission to the refugee students and trainings for the refugee teachers. Delivering an inaugural lecture titled “Management of Refugees and Migrants for Lasting Regional Peace,” UNHCR Country Representative Indrika Ratwatte praised the commitment of BUITEMS for providing opportunities for refugees terming it as an important step towards empowering youth and achieving broader goals for peace and prosperity in the region.

Forced displacement is one of the biggest human crises the world is facing now. Pakistan has been generously hosting refugees for decades. It is therefore essential that all stakeholders come together to facilitate durable and lasting solutions for them.

Vice Chancellor Mr. Ahmed Farooq Bazai (S.I.) welcoming the guests stressed the need for quality education, research and academic exercises on socio-economic issues in the region including the challenges pertaining to refugees and migrants. The Vice Chancellor stated that BUITEMS is producing global citizens capable of finding tailored solutions to some of the compelling regional and global challenges. We equip the students with the art of living to become productive members of the society. He assured that BUITEMS is fully prepared and upfront to support the national and international community in their endeavours.

The Centre once operational will serve as a repository of information on issues related to refugees and migration, and analyse and disseminate those information to the wider audience. This will be achieved through regular publications of research works, talk programmes and organizing periodic events like seminars/workshops which are expected to inform all stakeholders on issues surrounding refugees and migrants.

It is expected that the outcomes of this collaboration between UNHCR and BUITEMS would assist policy and decision makers with concrete recommendations for addressing the actions needed towards management of refugees and migrants in the region. UNHCR will also facilitate BUITEMS in its efforts to strengthen the Centre’s capacity by networking with other similar research centres and education institutions globally.

Chief Commissioner for Afghan Refugees Dr. Imran Zeb thanked UNHCR and BUITEMS for entering into this important and timely collaboration which should help further nurture the existing harmonious relationship and understanding between refugee and host communities and enable sustainable solutions for refugees who have endured displacement for almost four decades. “Every refugee deserves a bright and safe future and providing such admirable opportunities would not only make refugees students and teachers productive in their homeland but valuable for securing peace in the region. This is actually a contribution to lead towards prosperous world for everyone”, he said.

The event was also attended by UNHCR deputy country representative Johann Siffointe, head of UNHCR sub-office Quetta Dinesh Shrestha, Commissioner Afghan Refugees Quetta Brig (R) Masood Ahmad, Afghan Consul General Mr. Wajeedullah Momand, BUITEMS’s faculty members and students, and representatives of UN agencies and civil society members.

Digital and tech workshops in Greece by Finn Church Aid support integration and expand the horizons of young people by offering skills that are vital in today’s digital world. After a successful two-month pilot in Athens, the plan is to expand to other locations in Greece if suitable partners jump onboard.

Since May 2017, a group of 40 young girls and boys from Greek and refugee communities have been learning digital and tech skills such as programming, robotics and 3D printing in Athens. The purpose of these workshops is to offer youth from different backgrounds an inspiring space to meet and learn together. Mixed groups allow newcomers and Greek to get to know each other, which supports integration.

Over 120 young people applied for the pilot workshops that Finn Church Aid (FCA) is organizing together with Greek NGO Open Technologies Alliance. Selected participants are aged 15 to 18. Half are newcomers from countries such as Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Romania. The other half are Greek. No previous knowledge in computing sciences was required, only basic English language skills and a desire to learn.

“The large number of applications shows that there is a huge demand for this kind of training. We want to reach young people who do not have other opportunities to learn digital skills and who can benefit greatly from these competencies,” says FCA education specialist Laura Vanhanen.

“FCA has been successful in leveraging some of the best practices from the Finnish education system and creating new solutions and services for education needs in refugee contexts. In Greece our goal for these tech workshops is to offer youth access to relevant skills.”

Workshops are organised in an open technology lab which FCA set up at Impact Hub Athens. The trainers are computing experts from Greek open source and open data communities. After a successful pilot, FCA is looking for partners to scale up in other parts of Greece.

“We want to support youth in learning new skills, but also contribute to integration – offer a place to get to know one another. As the refugee population becomes an integral part of the European landscape, it is critical to find new ways resulting in social cohesion. Learning to code together motivates to collaborate,” Vanhanen says.

The economic crisis has had its toll on Greek youth. Over 45 per cent of the youth are unemployed, and the figure is among the highest in Europe. There are approximately 20 000 refugees under the age of 18 living in Greece at the moment. Most of them do not have access to education.

“Python is the number one programming language and I have already learned the basics,” rejoices Said, 18, from Afghanistan, who has been studying with FCA and wishes to continue studying in autumn.

HERAT - Promoting women’s access to government services and hiring more women into civil service positions were among the topics discussed in a UN-backed event set up to focus on empowering thousands of women in remote areas of Afghanistan’s western province of Herat.

The symposium, organized by the regional office of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) last week, brought together representatives from advocacy groups, the provincial council, local media outlets and the governor’s office to strategize on ways to empower Afghan women through improved support for their education and presence in civil service positions.

Mahbooba Jamishidi, head of Herat’s Department of Women’s Affairs, opened the meeting by outlining the challenges women face across the province, and the opportunities they could have with appropriate support from government offices and civil society groups.

“We have taken a progressive position on women working in government sectors, but in order for women to play a more effective role, there is a need to expand capacity-development programmes as well as to adopt more gender-sensitive strategies,” she said.

Following opening remarks, participants conducted a detailed assessment of women’s needs and priorities across Herat, a mostly rural and agricultural province that is Afghanistan’s primary trade gateway to Iran. Herat lies on old trade routes, with roads running to the bordering countries of Iran to the west and Turkmenistan to the north.

Nasir Ahamad Ahmadi, the head of human resources in the governor’s office, spoke at the symposium about the critical need to support women contributing to the province’s socio-economic development.

“It is important to submit the findings of the discussed assessment on women’s needs and priorities across different sectors in Herat to Afghan and international stakeholders so that the findings are considered in future policies, planning and programming at national and subnational levels,” he said.

The lively discussion was later broadcast by television and radio to an audience estimated at 400,000 people in and around Herat city.

Earlier this year, on 8 March, the UN marked International Women’s Day under the theme of ‘Women in the Changing World of Work,’ and made a call for women’s participation in all professions, highlighting their essential contributions in all spheres of work.

Afghanistan has made progress toward equal workplace participation, with the government developing measures to advance women’s participation and protect them from harm. The Afghan government has pledged to increase the presence of women in government institutions to 30 per cent by the year 2020. Currently, however, women’s participation countrywide is far below this target.

On Women’s Day, the UN welcomed the government’s launch of the economic empowerment programme for women as a key step forward to opening more doors for women’s participation at all levels, and encouraged the government to continue to prioritize investment in education, healthcare and business financing for Afghan women.

UNAMA is mandated to support the Afghan Government and the people of Afghanistan as a political mission that provides 'good offices' among other key services. 'Good offices' are diplomatic steps that the UN takes publicly and in private, drawing on its independence, impartiality and integrity, to prevent national and international disputes from arising, escalating or spreading.

UNAMA also promotes coherent development support by the international community; assists the process of peace and reconciliation; monitors and promotes human rights and the protection of civilians in armed conflict; promotes good governance; and encourages regional cooperation.

Statistics showing rising numbers of female officials do not tell the whole story.

By Mina Habib

Maliha (not her real name) works in the press office of an Afghan government ministry. She told IWPR that although one of her responsibilities was to issue invitations to press conferences and briefings, her boss simply did not allow her the authority to do her job.

“The minister selects specific media and then orders me to inform the outlets he has already chosen,” she said. “It has affected my dignity at work and my reputation. Although I have the authority, the minister does not allow [me to use it]. If my role is not symbolic then what would you call it?”

Women working with government in Afghanistan warn that statistics showing growing numbers of female employees do not tell the whole story about ongoing gender bias within the workplace.

According to the ministry of labour and social affairs, nearly 78,000 women have been appointed to government positions since the Taleban regime was unseated in 2001.

More than 8,000 women are also currently employed in government offices.

But Mary Nabard Ayen, deputy director of the state-run Bakhtar news agency, said that although women had a greater public presence their role remained largely symbolic.

“Our leaders must accept that women constitute half of society, and deserve equal rights to men,” she said, noting that Article 22 of the Afghan constitution explicitly provides equal rights to men and women.

The constitution also guarantees that at least 64 lawmakers must be women, and four female ministers have been appointed to the current administration of President Ashraf Ghani.

Ayen said, however, that such appointments were just for show and had little real impact. She noted that this had been the case in both the post-2001 administrations.

“The national unity government has appointed some women to important leadership roles so as to prove to the international community that they have given women a role within the structures of power,” she continued. “But the women appointed have no authority.”

Ayen said that she experienced discrimination on a daily basis in her own work, adding, “Very often, I am not asked for my opinion, and when I am asked then my opinion is ignored.”

Ministry of women's affairs spokeswoman Kobra Rezai agreed that the presence of women in public life had increased over the last 16 years, noting that over a quarter of both civil servants and lawmakers were now female.

But she too said that conservative traditions often took precedence over Afghan law.

Changing these attitudes would take time and women needed to fight for their rights, she said, adding, “Women in government offices face many challenges, but these challenges will toughen them up so that they become experienced managers.”

Shahla Farid, a law professor at Kabul university, said that several factors continued to restrict women’s access to work. This in turn meant that female employees were still seen as an exotic and unusual phenomenon.

“Insecurity and instability as well sexual harassment have deterred women from finding jobs,” she said. “So there is still discrimination and unequal treatment of women, women are still seen as an object of pleasure and enjoyment.”

They also still remained reliant on the will of male figures to succeed or fail at work.

“A woman is appointed to an important post, if for example, she is related to a minister or knows a member of parliament,” she said. “Their competency is not considered and this means women have little authority at work because their capacity is inferior to the duties they are assigned.”

Sharafuddin Azimi, a professor of psychology at the Kabul university, noted that women had been excluded from the public sphere by decades of war in which they were largely denied access to education.

“Women should work in areas that suit their specialised fields,” he said, adding that this would help build self-confidence.

“They should believe in their own potential. Women must be hired based on their capacity not on their political affiliations, ethnic origin, linguistic abilities or relations to a particular faction.”

Ziba Samya is the deputy for supporting and promoting women’s rights department at the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission.

She also argued that women needed to take the initiative and actively struggle for their rights, adding that her organisation had heard many complaints from women about their limited authority at work.

Maryam Kofi, a lawmaker from Badakhshan province, said that the current state of Afghan politics meant that men and women alike had been disenfranchised. She argued that parliament as a whole had been sidelined in the decision-making processes.

“In the national unity government, working authority has been taken away from men as well as women and in fact power is monopolised by the presidential palace,” she said.

“Here in parliament we are given responsibility but not authority. For example, if we impeach a minister and dismiss him from the post, we later we hear that he is continuing his position as an acting minister, so there is no authority left, neither for us nor for parliament.”

This report was produced under IWPR’s Promoting Human Rights and Good Governance in Afghanistan initiative, funded by the European Union Delegation to Afghanistan.